Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Theory

The Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Theory and Practice is correct. No other revolutionary theory and practice measures up to it, it is history it self that has proven this. To understand this theory and practice requires a basic history lesson of the pillars of true Marxism. To be a true Marxist you have to be a Marxist-Leninist. To be a true Marxist-Leninist you have to be a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist. Trotskyism is revisionism. Trotskyists always look down on Third World struggles, they enjoy waving the banners of Revolutionary leaders like Fidel Castro, even though Fidel Castro was a Marxist-Leninist. Trotskyists claim to represent Leninism even though Lenin himself typically disagreed with Trotsky while Stalin was his disciple. Take a look around the Third World where the truest Proletariat reside, they are never Trotskyists. The Black Panther Party was Marxist-Leninist. Lenin and Mao both taught the Proletariat that it was up to them to build up Socialism in their own countries. The Theory of Socialism in One Country is slandered more by the Trotskyists than anyone else. The eurocentric revisionism of the Trotskyists teaches them to look at the Third World as under developed they make their mind up before investigating. Leon Trotsky was for the Police, he referred to them as Workers, the very idea that the Pigs could be counted as Proletariat just smacks of racism. Leon Trotsky also was in favour of Terrorism, a tactic that usually backfires. Trotskyists reject primary and secondary contradiction. Trotskyism attempts to fuse Leninism with eurocentric-19th Century Marxism. Anarchism in all its forms is two dimensional, but that does not mean that everything Anarchists say is incorrect. The problem with the Anarchists is that they never provide logical alternatives to Marxism. The Anarchists do make correct complaints about Marxism, yet never in history do we find them to keep power once they have taken it. The very best thing Joseph Stalin ever did was overthrow the irresponsible bigoted Spanish Anarchists. C.N.T was Socialist we admit that, but it was not organized and they consistently demanded aid. We have so much documentation on this. At the same time Anarchists do great in revolutionary labour unions. We would not even mind putting the Anarchists in charge of honest Journalism, but if they ever took power in the modern World today it will aid Imperialism. There are not many countries left to resist Americanism yet Anarchists just don't care. Another problem with Anarchists is their indifference towards indigenous struggles. Yet another problem with Anarchists is that the majority of them are sectarian and refuse to organize with us. We have seen Anarchists throw rocks at old women, spray paint cats and yell antisemitic and racist comments out of nowhere at first we thought this was all agents pretending to be Anarchist, but after we read just about all the Anarchist literature there is not including the unrecognizable stuff written in the 1980s; we now know why they are the way they are. There are some fascinating ideas in Anarchism and some even of it may be of use, we are not dogmatists after all. Socialists who reject Marxism-Leninism-Maoism harm true revolution.
 
Karl Marx

Karl Marx first developed revolutionary communism almost 150 years ago. With the assistance of his close comrade-in-arms Frederick Engels, he developed a comprehensive philosophical system, dialectical materialism, and discovered the basic laws which shape human history.

Marx developed a science of political economy that revealed the exploitation of the proletariat and the inherent anarchy and contradictions of the capitalist mode of production. Karl Marx developed his revolutionary theory in close connection with and to serve the class struggle of the international proletariat. He built the First International and wrote, together with Engels, the Communist Manifesto with its resounding call "workers of all countries, unite!" Marx paid great attention to and summed up the lessons of the Paris Commune of 1871, the first great attempt of the proletariat to seize state power.

He armed the world proletariat with an understanding of its historic mission: seizing political power through revolution and using this power - the dictatorship of the proletariat - to transform social conditions until the very basis for the cleavage of society into different classes is eliminated.

Marx led the struggle against the opportunists in the proletarian movement who sought to confine the struggle of the workers to improving the conditions of wage-slavery without challenging the existence of this slavery itself.

Together, the stand, viewpoint and method of Marx came to be called Marxism, and represents the first great milestone in the development of the ideology of the proletariat.

Vladimir Lenin

Vladimir  Lenin waged a life-and-death struggle against the revisionists of his day within the Second International who had betrayed the proletarian revolution and had called on the workers to defend the interests of their imperialist masters in World War I.

The "guns of October" and Lenin's struggle against revisionism further spread the communist movement throughout the world, uniting the struggles of the oppressed peoples with the world proletarian revolution, and the Third (or Communist) International was formed.

Lenin's all-round and comprehensive development of Marxism represents the second great leap in the development of proletarian ideology.

After Lenin's death, Joseph Stalin defended the proletarian dictatorship against enemies from within as well as from the imperialist invaders during World War II, and carried forward the cause of socialist construction and transformation in the Soviet Union. Stalin fought for the international communist movement to recognise Marxism-Leninism as the second great milestone in the development of the proletarian ideology.

Vladimir Lenin developed Marxism to a whole new stage in the course of leading the proletarian revolutionary movement in Russia and the struggle in the international communist movement against revisionism.

Among many other contributions, Lenin analysed the development of capitalism to its highest and final stage, imperialism. He showed that the world was divided between a handful of imperialist powers and the great majority, the oppressed nations and peoples, and showed that the imperialist powers would be forced to go to war periodically to redivide the world amongst themselves. Lenin described the era in which we live as the era of imperialism and proletarian revolution. Lenin developed the political party of a new type, the Communist Party, as the proletariat's indispensable tool for leading the revolutionary masses in the seizure of power.
 
Most importantly, Lenin raised the theory and practice of proletarian revolution to a whole new level as he led the proletariat in seizing and consolidating its political power, its revolutionary dictatorship, for the first time with the victory of the October Revolution in formerly Tsarist Russia in 1917.

Lenin waged a life-and-death struggle against the revisionists of his day within the Second International who had betrayed the proletarian revolution and had called on the workers to defend the interests of their imperialist masters in World War I.

The "guns of October" and Lenin's struggle against revisionism further spread the communist movement throughout the world, uniting the struggles of the oppressed peoples with the world proletarian revolution, and the Third (or Communist) International was formed.

Lenin's all-round and comprehensive development of Marxism represents the second great leap in the development of proletarian ideology.

After Lenin's death, Joseph Stalin defended the proletarian dictatorship against enemies from within as well as from the imperialist invaders during World War II, and carried forward the cause of socialist construction and transformation in the Soviet Union. Stalin fought for the international communist movement to recognise Marxism-Leninism as the second great milestone in the development of the proletarian ideology.

Mao Zedong

Mao Zedong developed Marxism-Leninism to a new and higher stage in the course of his many decades of leading the Chinese Revolution, the world-wide struggle against modern revisionism and, most importantly, in finding in theory and practice the method of continuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat to prevent the restoration of capitalism and continue the advance toward communism. Mao Zedong said "It Is Right to Rebel against the Reactionaries" and this was a reference to the terrible reactionary downslide of the USSR that began under Nikita Khrushchev. From Nikita Khrushchev onward the Soviet Union became more and more closer to Capitalism until the coup d'etat that put Boris Yeltsin in power. Today many Maoist revolutionaries protest the reactionary government in China and they are deeply inspired by Mao's words "It Is Right to Rebel against the Reactionaries" those who think that China is still somehow a Socialist country are not being intellectually honest with themselves.

Mao said, "Political power grows out of the barrel of a gun." Mao Zedong comprehensively developed the military science of the proletariat through his theory and practice of People's War. Mao taught that people, not weapons, are decisive in waging war. He pointed out that each class has its own specific forms of war with its specific character, goals and means. He remarked that all military logic can be boiled down to the principle "you fight your way, I'll fight my way", and that the proletariat must forge military strategy and tactics which can bring into play its particular advantages, by unleashing and relying upon the initiative and enthusiasm of the revolutionary masses.

Mao established that the policy of winning base areas and systematically establishing political power was key to unleashing the masses and developing the armed strength of the people and the wavelike expansion of their political power. He insisted on the need to lead the masses in carrying out revolutionary transformations in base areas and to develop these politically, economically and culturally in the service of advancing revolutionary warfare.

Mao taught that the Party should control the gun and the gun must never be allowed to control the Party. The Party must be built as a vehicle capable of initiating and leading revolutionary warfare. He emphasised that the central task of revolution is the seizure of political power by revolutionary violence. Mao Zedong's theory of People's War is universally applicable in all countries, although this must be applied to the concrete conditions in each country and, in particular, take into account the revolutionary paths in the two general types of countries - imperialist countries and oppressed countries - that exist in the world today.

Mao solved the problem of how to make revolution in a country dominated by imperialism. The basic path he charted for the revolution in China represents an inestimable contribution to the theory and practice of revolution and is the guide for achieving liberation in the countries oppressed by imperialism. This means protracted People's War, which in Third world countries usually refers to surrounding the cities from the countryside, with armed struggle as the main form of struggle and the army led by the Party as the main form of organisation of the masses, mobilising the peasantry, principally the poor peasants, carrying out the agrarian revolution, building a united front under the leadership of the Communist Party to carry out the New Democratic Revolution against imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism and establishing the joint dictatorship of the revolutionary classes led by the proletariat as the necessary prelude to the socialist revolution which must immediately follow the victory of the first stage of the revolution. Mao put forward the thesis of the "three magic weapons" - the Party, the Army and the United Front - the indispensable instruments for making revolution in every country in accordance with its specific conditions and path of revolution.

Mao Zedong upgraded the proletarian philosophy, dialectical materialism. In particular, he stressed that the law of contradiction, the unity and struggle of opposites, is the fundamental law governing nature and society. He pointed out that the unity and identity of all things is temporary and relative, while the struggle between opposites is ceaseless and absolute, and this gives rise to radical ruptures and revolutionary leaps. He masterfully applied this understanding to the analysis of the relationship between theory and practice, stressing that practice is both the sole source and ultimate criterion of the truth and emphasising the leap from theory to revolutionary practice. In so doing Mao further developed the proletarian theory of knowledge. He led in taking philosophy to the masses in their millions, popularising, for example, that "one divides into two" in opposition to the revisionist thesis that "two combines into one".

Mao Zedong further developed the understanding that the "people and the people alone are the motive force in the making of world history". He developed the understanding of the mass line: "take the ideas of the masses (scattered and unsystematic ideas) and concentrate them (through study turn them into concentrated and systematic ideas), then go to the masses and propagate and explain these ideas until the masses embrace them as their own, hold fast to them and translate them into action, and test the correctness of these ideas in such action". Mao stressed the profound truth that matter can be transformed into consciousness and consciousness into matter, further developing the understanding of the conscious dynamic role of man in every field of human endeavour.

Mao Zedong led the international struggle against modern revisionism led by the Khrushchevite revisionists. He defended the communist ideological and political line against the modern revisionists and called upon the genuine proletarian revolutionaries to break with them and forge parties based on Marxist-Leninist-Maoist principles.

Mao Zedong undertook a penetrating analysis of the lessons of the restoration of capitalism in the USSR and the shortcomings as well as the positive achievements of the construction of socialism in that country. While Mao defended the great contributions of Stalin, he also summed up Stalin's errors. He summed up the experience of the socialist revolution in China and the repeated two-line struggles against revisionist headquarters within the Communist Party of China. He masterfully applied materialist dialectics to the analysis of the contradictions of socialist society.

Mao taught that the Party must play the vanguard role - before, during and after the seizure of power - in leading the proletariat in the historic struggle for communism. He developed the understanding of how to preserve the proletarian revolutionary character of the Party through waging an active ideological struggle against bourgeois and petit bourgeois influences in its ranks, the ideological remoulding of the Party members, criticism and self-criticism and waging two-line struggle against opportunist and revisionist lines in the Party. Mao taught that once the proletariat seizes power and the Party becomes the leading force within the socialist state, the contradiction between the Party and the masses becomes a concentrated expression of the contradictions marking socialist society as a transition between capitalism and communism.

Mao Zedong developed the proletariat's understanding of political economy, of the contradictory and dynamic role of production itself and of its interrelationship with the political and ideological superstructure of society. Mao taught that the system of ownership is decisive in the relations of production but that, under socialism, attention must be paid that public ownership is socialist in content as well as in form. He stressed the interaction between the system of socialist ownership and the other two aspects of the relations of production, the relations between people in production and the system of distribution. Mao developed the Leninist thesis that politics is the concentrated expression of economics, showing that under socialist society the correctness of the ideological and political line determines whether the proletariat actually owns the means of production. Conversely, he pointed out that the rise of revisionism means the rise of the bourgeoisie, that given the contradictory nature of the socialist economic base it would be easy for capitalist roaders to rig up the capitalist system if they come to power.

He profoundly criticised the revisionist theory of the productive forces and concluded that the superstructure, consciousness, can transform the base and with political power develop the productive forces. All this took expression in Mao's slogan, "Grasp Revolution, Promote Production."

Mao Zedong initiated and led the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution which represented a great leap forward in the experience of exercising the dictatorship of the proletariat. Hundreds of millions of people rose up to overthrow the capitalist roaders who had emerged from within the socialist society and who were especially concentrated in the leadership of the Party itself (such as Liu Shao-chi, Lin Piao and Deng Xiao-ping). Mao led the proletariat and masses in challenging the capitalist roaders and imposing the interests, outlook and will of the great majority in every sphere that, even in socialist society, had remained the private reserve of the exploiting classes and their way of thinking.

The great victories won in the Cultural Revolution prevented the capitalist restoration in China for a decade and led to great socialist transformations in the economic base as well as in education, literature and art, scientific research and other parts of the superstructure. Under Mao's leadership the masses dug away at the soil which engenders capitalism - such as bourgeois right and the three great differences between town and country, between worker and peasant, and between mental and manual labour.

In the course of fierce ideological and political struggle, millions of workers and other revolutionary masses greatly deepened their class consciousness and mastery of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and strengthened their capacity to wield political power. The Cultural Revolution was waged as part of the international struggle of the proletariat and was a training ground in proletarian internationalism.

Mao grasped the dialectical relationship between the necessity of revolutionary leadership and the need to arouse and rely on the revolutionary masses from below to implement proletarian dictatorship. In this way, the strengthening of the proletarian dictatorship was also the most extensive and deepest exercise in proletarian democracy yet achieved in the world, and heroic revolutionary leaders came forward such as Chiang Ching and Chang Chun-chiao who stood alongside the masses and led them into battle against the revisionists and who continued to hold high the banner of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in the face of bitter defeat.

Lenin said, "Only he is a Marxist who extends the recognition of the class struggle to the recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat." In the light of the invaluable lessons and advances achieved through the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution led by Mao Zedong, this dividing line has been further sharpened. Now it can be stated that only he is a Marxist who extends the recognition of class struggle to the recognition of the dictatorship of the proletariat and to the recognition of the objective existence of classes, of antagonistic class contradictions, of the bourgeoisie in the Party and of the continuation of the class struggle under the dictatorship of the proletariat throughout the whole period of socialism until communism. As Mao so powerfully stated, "Lack of clarity on this question will lead to revisionism."

The capitalist restoration following the 1976 counter-revolutionary coup d'etat led by Hua Kuo-feng and Deng Xiao-ping in no way negates Maoism or the world-historic achievements and tremendous lessons of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution; rather this defeat confirms Mao's theses on the nature of socialist society and the need to continue the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Clearly, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution represents a world-historic epic of revolution, a victorious high point for the world's communists and revolutionaries, an imperishable achievement. Although we have a whole process ahead of us, that revolution left us great lessons we are already applying, such as, for example, the point that ideological transformation is fundamental in order for our class to seize power.   

Within the First World countries the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Theory can only be applied by the true Proletariat of the First World. This is first and foremost the Black New Afrika people who live in Europe and North America. This tendency is Pantherism. Pantherism is the higher stage of what the original Black Panther Party was putting into practice. We stand with Panther C.O.D.E and we stand with Black Power - to do other wise is counter-revolutionary. Pantherism is People's War in the First World. Anyone in the First World who claims to be revolutionary must always stand with the Third World at the expense of the First World. All Power to the People!!!

The Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Theory rejects the idea of voting in America. It is political suicide to vote Bernie Sanders he would raise minimum wage and this would clamp down on the Third World. Bernie Sanders is also a Zionist, we cannot tolerate Zionism, support of Zionism was by far Stalin's biggest mistake. Centrist reformers are worse than right-wingers. The worse things get the more revolutionary minorities become. Revolution is not safe, it is risk, it is blood sweat and tears.

Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Theory truly sprang from The Shining Path. The Communist Party of Peru – Shining Path (Spanish: Partido Comunista del Perú - Sendero Luminoso), more commonly known as the Shining Path (Spanish: Sendero Luminoso), is a communist revolutionary organization in Peru, espousing Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. The Shining Path was founded in 1970 in a multiple split in the Communist Party of Peru. It took its name from the maxim of the founder of Peru’s first communist party, José Carlos Mariátegui: “El Marxismo-Leninismo abrirá el sendero luminoso hacia la revolución” (“Marxism-Leninism will open the shining path to revolution”). The leader and principal founder was Abimael Guzmán, alias Comrade Gonzalo, a long-time communist and former philosophy teacher (1962–78) at the National University of San Cristóbal de Huamanga, in the city of Ayacucho in the high Andes Mountains. He and his followers, known as Senderistas, sought to restore the “pure” ideology of Mao Zedong and adopted China’s Cultural Revolution as a model for their own revolutionary movement. The other primary model for the Shining Path was Marxism-Leninism under Joseph Stalin's Russia and the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia. Envisioning revolution as a long military offensive, the Shining Path relied primarily on the peasantry. Beginning on March 17, 1980, the Shining Path held a series of clandestine meetings in Ayacucho, known as the Central Committee's second plenary. It formed a "Revolutionary Directorate" that was political and military in nature and ordered its militias to transfer to strategic areas in the provinces to start the "armed struggle", despite the revisionism instituted in China by Deng Xiaoping and its economic success since 1978. The group also held its "First Military School" where members were instructed in military tactics and the use of weapons. They also engaged in "Criticism and Self-criticism", a Maoist practice intended to purge bad habits and avoid the repetition of mistakes. During the existence of the First Military School, members of the Central Committee came under heavy criticism. Guzmán did not, and he emerged from the First Military School as the clear leader of the Shining Path. In 1992, Guzman and other leaders of the Shining Path received life imprisonment. Throughout the 1980s, the Shining Path grew, both in terms of the territory it controlled, and in the number of militants in its organization, particularly in the Andean highlands. It gained support from local peasants by filling the political void left by the central government and providing what is called popular justice. This caused the peasantry of many Peruvian villages to express a very positive view of the Shining Path, especially in the impoverished and neglected regions of Ayacucho, Apurímac, and Huancavelica. At times, the civilian population of small, neglected towns participated in popular trials. It was a good period for revolution. The Shining Path's credibility was helped by the government's initially tepid response to the insurgency. For over a year, the government refused to declare a state of emergency in the region where the Shining Path was operating. The Interior Minister, José María de la Jara, believed the group could be easily defeated through police actions. Additionally, the president, Fernando Belaúnde Terry, who returned to power in 1980, was reluctant to cede authority to the armed forces, as his first government had ended in a military coup. The result was that the peasants in the areas where the Shining Path was active thought the state was either impotent or not interested in their issues. On December 29, 1981, the government declared an "emergency zone" in the three Andean regions of Ayacucho, Huancavelica and Apurímac, and granted the military the power to arbitrarily detain any "suspicious person". The military subjected many to torture during interrogation as well as rape. The Shining Path fought against Peru's other major guerrilla group, the Túpac Amaru Revolutionary Movement (MRTA), as well as campesino groups organized by the Peruvian armed forces. Shining Path quickly seized control of large areas of Peru. The group had significant support among peasant communities and it had the support of some slum dwellers in the capital and elsewhere. We will not give out the approval ratings of the polls because the polls have never been completely accurate as Peru has several "anti-terrorism laws" that target the poor. The Shining Path followed Mao's dictum that guerrilla warfare should start in the countryside and gradually choke off the cities. Their history stands as the first real testament to Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. 

The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine is a Palestinian Marxist–Leninist–Maoist, secular political and militant organization. In 1968, a faction of the left-wing Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) broke away from the main organization to form the Popular Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PDFLP). The PDFLP was headed by Secretary-General Nayef Hawatmeh, who had been referred to as a leader of the PFLP's Maoist tendency. He believed that the PFLP had become, under the guidance of George Habash, too focused on military matters, and wanted to make the PDFLP a more grassroots and more ideologically focused organization. By contrast, Ahmad Jibril's Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine – General Command (PFLP-GC), which split away from Habash's organization in 1968, wanted to focus more on the tactical implementation of armed struggle. On May–June 1969, the Palestinian Revolutionary Left League and the Palestine Popular Liberation Organization merged into PDFLP. The PDFLP soon gained a reputation as the most intellectual of the Palestinian fedayeen groups, and drew heavily on Marxist–Leninist theory to explain the situation in the Middle East. Its other leaders included Yasser Abed Rabbo. The DFLP declared that its goal was to "create a people's democratic Palestine, where Arabs and Jews would live without discrimination, a state without classes and national oppression, a state which allows Arabs and Jews to develop their national culture. The Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine upholds Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and it is well organized. The study of the tactics and philosophy of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine is a crucial part in understanding Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. Yet to be clear this Forum opposes sectarianism towards the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, even though they are Marxist-Leninist only.The DFLP, under Hawatmeh, joined the rejectionist groups to form the Alliance of Palestinian Forces (APF) to oppose the Declaration of Principles signed in 1993. The group argued that the Oslo negotiations were undemocratic, excluded the PLO from decision-making and deprived the Palestinians of their legitimate rights, but in contrast to most other Alliance members they did not oppose a two-state solution as such.  Along with the PFLP, it then broke from the APF over ideological differences, and has made limited moves toward merging with the PFLP since the mid-1990s. In 1999, at a meeting in Cairo, the DFLP and the PFLP agreed to cooperate with the PLO leadership in final status negotiations with Israel. In October 1999, the group was dropped from the United States' list of terror organizations. The DFLP was subsequently represented in the Palestinian delegation at the unsuccessful Camp David negotiations of July 2000. On September 11, 2001, an anonymous caller claimed responsibility for the September 11 attacks in the United States on behalf of the DFLP. This was immediately denied by Nayef Hawatmeh, who strongly condemned the attacks. Although the accusations gained some attention in the days following the attacks, they are now universally regarded as false. The DFLP ran a candidate, Taysir Khalid, in the Palestinian Authority presidential election in 2005. He gained 3.35% of the vote. The party had initially participated in discussions with the PFLP and the Palestinian People's Party on running a joint left-wing candidate, but these were unsuccessful. It won one seat in the 2005 PA municipal elections. In the 2006 elections to the Palestinian Legislative Council, the Front formed a joint list called al-Badeel (The Alternative) with Palestine Democratic Union (FIDA), the Palestinian People's Party and independents. The list was led by the historic DFLP leader Qais Abd al-Karim (Abou Leila). It received 2.8% of the popular vote and won two of the Council's 132 seats. The DFLP ran a candidate, Taysir Khalid, in the Palestinian Authority presidential election in 2005. He gained 3.35% of the vote. The party had initially participated in discussions with the PFLP and the Palestinian People's Party on running a joint left-wing candidate, but these were unsuccessful. It won one seat in the 2005 PA municipal elections. In the 2006 elections to the Palestinian Legislative Council, the Front formed a joint list called al-Badeel (The Alternative) with Palestine Democratic Union (FIDA), the Palestinian People's Party and independents. The list was led by the historic DFLP leader Qais Abd al-Karim (Abou Leila). It received 2.8% of the popular vote and won two of the Council's 132 seats. The DFLP retains important influence within the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). It was traditionally the third-largest group within the PLO, after Fatah and the PFLP, and since no new elections have been held to the PNC or the Executive Committee since 1988, the DFLP still commands important sectors within the organization. The PLO's role has admittedly diminished in later years, in favor of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA), but it is still the recognized representative of the Palestinian people, and a reactivation of the PLO's constitutional supremacy over the PNA in connection with power struggles in Palestinian society is a distinct possibility. The DFLP held its 5th national general congress during a time-span from February to August 2007. The congress was divided into three parallel circle: West Bank, Gaza strip and the Palestinian exiles. The congress elected a Central Committee, with 81 full members and 21 alternate members.

Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Theory 

Building on the theory of the vanguard party by Vladimir Lenin, the theory of the mass line outlines a strategy for the revolutionary leadership of the masses, consolidation of the dictatorship of the proletariat and strengthening of the party and for the building of socialism. The mass line can be summarised by the phrase "from the masses, to the masses". It has three components (or stages) as follows:

1. Gathering the diverse ideas of the masses.
2. Processing or concentrating these ideas from the perspective of revolutionary Marxism, in light of the long-term, ultimate interests of the masses (which the masses themselves may sometimes only dimly perceive) and in light of a scientific analysis of the objective situation.
3. Returning these concentrated ideas to the masses in the form of a political line which will actually advance the mass struggle toward revolution.

These three steps should be applied over and over again, reiteratively uplifting practice and knowledge to higher and higher stages.

The study and practice of Maoism-Leninism-Maoism:

Mass line

People's war

New Democracy

Cultural Revolution